White racism is dead, part 2: absence of evidence
Jul 31st, 2011 by Unamused
The volume of evidence against systemic white racism in contemporary America, the sheer number of facts inconsistent with its existence, is staggering. Where then shall we begin? We could choose almost at random from the news archives of American Renaissance magazine: anti-discrimination law, anti-white discrimination, bizarre racism charges, blacks in charge, censorship, hate crimes and hoaxes, immigration law enforcement, minority-on-white crime, multiculturalism and diversity, non-white pressure groups, non-whites in charge, pandering politicians, race and politics, sports, or universities, race in schools, racial preferences in education, racial preferences in hiring, racial sensitivity, reparations, the NAACP, or the war on white heritage.
Instead, we will take an unconventional approach, and begin with the very strong negative evidence: the absence of evidence for white racism.
In general, contrary to popular belief, absence of evidence is evidence of absence (Kim G. S. Øyhus). This follows from Bayes’ Theorem; see part 1 of this series. It is particularly strong evidence against white racism, because any evidence of white racism is extremely unlikely to go unnoticed.
Racial discrimination is big business
Racial discrimination is prohibited by federal law, including but not limited to the Fourteenth Amendment (1868), Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Title VII), the Voting Rights Act (1965), the Fair Housing Act (1968), the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (1974), the Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act (1988), the Civil Rights Act of 1991, and Title 42, Chapter 21 of the U.S. Code (FindLaw, eNotes). The Department of Justice has even re-opened their Civil Rights Division, entirely devoted to enforcing federal statutes against discrimination (Real Clear Politics, National Review, New American). Therefore it is not surprising that, according to Attorney General Eric “My People” Holder, the department “filed a record number of civil rights criminal cases” during the Obama administration’s first fiscal year, and “expanded enforcement efforts… in our work places, our military bases, in our housing and lending markets, in our voting booths in our border areas, in our schools and places of worship.”
American Renaissance documents recent lawsuits alleging racial discrimination against non-whites: by the Department of Justice against a home mortgage lender, for “preying upon” black borrowers and “steering them into high-cost subprime loans” (July 26, 2011); by civil rights lawyers against elected leaders in Lancaster and Palmdale, CA, for cracking down on defrauders of federal housing assistance, who are mostly black and Hispanic (June 8); by the NAACP against Myrtle Beach establishments, for refusing to open during the notoriously violent Black Bike Week (May 31); by inmates in California against the state, for race-based lockdowns in prison, where the inmates segregate into race-based gangs (April 27); by the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus against the State of Georgia, for allowing cities with large white populations to exist (March 28); by the federal government against Kaplan Higher Education, for checking job applicants’ credit scores, since of course blacks have lower scores than whites (December 22, 2010); and many more.
Such allegations can be very profitable — and very costly: a $30,000 fine and a public apology for a Boston nightclub that made perfectly reasonable (“harmful and ill-conceived”) conclusions about the behavior of blacks (February 28); an $80,000 fine for a theater (until the decision was overturned by the Delaware Supreme Court) because the manager reminded a largely black audience to be quiet, which was probably necessary (February 23); $246,500 for victims of hiring discrimination in Hobart (May 11); $30 million and 111 jobs for unqualified blacks who couldn’t score 64 on a firefighting exam with a cut-off of 89 (May 13); and an impressive (and suspicious) $1.25 billion for black farmers, in President Obama’s “Claims Remedy Act of 2010” (May 15 and October 14).
In short, racial discrimination is big (state-sponsored) business. Therefore any evidence of white racism is extremely unlikely to go unnoticed. It follows (from Bayes’ Theorem, again) that a lack of evidence for said racism is very strong evidence against it.
Incidentally, the same reasoning would not apply to anti-white racism, which is instead required by law, under the guise of “affirmative action.” Furthermore, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights has found that the Civil Rights Division displays “open hostility and opposition” to pursuing civil rights cases “in which whites were the perceived victims and minorities the alleged wrongdoers” (Washington Times).
Next time, we will document the absence of evidence for white racism, beginning with a curious reticence on the part of so-called “anti-racists” (code for “anti-white”) when called upon to state their case.
Another slutty forest faerie
Here, by popular demand, is another slutty forest faerie.